A fascinating study out of Pennsylvania just delivered news that should terrify pharmaceutical executives and delight anyone who understands what real medicine looks like. According to research published in PLOS One, 58% of medical cannabis patients quit using it within a year, with nearly half stopping within just three months.
On one hand, we have U.S. v. Hemani, where the government wants to clarify that anyone who's ever touched cannabis should be permanently barred from exercising their Second Amendment rights. On the other, there's Canna Provisions v. Bondi, a direct challenge to the federal government's authority to criminalize state-legal cannabis operations. These cases represent the inevitable collision between outdated federal prohibition and the reality that most Americans – and most states – have moved on.
Washington D.C. has seen no shortage of letters flooding the White House lately, each one desperately vying for President Trump's attention on cannabis policy. It's like watching rival children write to Santa, except instead of asking for toys, they're fighting over drug schedules and criminal justice reform.
Cannabis offers a unique tool for vibe shifting because it temporarily reduces the volume of your internal critic - that voice that resists change, dismisses new possibilities, and keeps you locked into familiar patterns. When used intentionally with practices like breathwork, meditation, and hypnosis, cannabis can help you access authentic emotional states that might otherwise remain hidden beneath layers of conditioning and defensive patterns.
The key isn't just using AI to create random cannabis content - it's leveraging technology to solve real problems and speak to authentic experiences within cannabis culture. Success comes from combining AI efficiency with human insight, cultural understanding, and genuine passion for serving the cannabis community.
In 1971, President Nixon declared drug abuse to be "public enemy number one," launching the War on Drugs with the promise of protecting American communities from the scourge of illegal substances. Over half a century later, it's become painfully clear that Nixon got it backwards. The real public enemy isn't drug abuse - it's the Drug Enforcement Administration itself, an agency that has evolved from a misguided law enforcement effort into an actively destructive force that threatens American lives, liberty, and scientific progress.
A new survey of 1,327 home cannabis cultivators found that two-thirds say growing marijuana inspired them to start growing tomatoes, with nearly a quarter admitting they never grew tomatoes until years after cultivating their first cannabis plant. Following tomatoes, the top crops people were inspired to grow included basil, strawberries, chili peppers, cucumbers, and lettuce. As Jessica Hanson from Homegrown Cannabis Co. put it: "Cannabis isn't a gateway drug, it's a gateway crop. Before you know it, you've got a backyard full of tomatoes, and maybe even a few zucchinis."
Schedule III isn't cannabis reform - it's cannabis corporate welfare disguised as progress. While Bob Barr and other establishment conservatives promote this "compromise" as sensible policy, they're either ignorant of the implications or deliberately misleading the public about what Schedule III actually accomplishes. The only rational approach to cannabis policy is complete removal from the Controlled Substances Act, treating cannabis like alcohol and allowing free market competition instead of government-sanctioned monopolies.
In this article, I'm going to lay bare exactly why growing your own cannabis is the only path forward that makes sense – for consumers, for communities, and even for governments serious about eliminating the illicit market. And if the powers that be aren't willing to relinquish this right? Well, throughout history, true freedom has rarely been granted – it's been taken.
The 1971 escalation under Nixon revealed prohibition's fundamentally dishonest nature when the administration declared cannabis "public enemy number one" while privately acknowledging that the president didn't consider it "particularly dangerous" and found penalties "ridiculous." John Ehrlichman's later admission that "we couldn't make it illegal to be either against the (Vietnam) war or Black," but could criminalize drugs associated with these groups, exposes prohibition as deliberate political warfare against dissenting communities.